14 October 2024

Simon Johnson on Winning the Nobel Prize in Economics

POWER and PROGRESS - Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Oct 14, 2024 Featured Video Podcasts
Simon Johnson, Professor of Entrepreneurship and head of the Global Economics and Management group at the MIT Sloan School of Management, details his work with Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson on how prosperity can come about within various nations, and the importance of institutions in that process. 
The three academics are sharing the 2024 Nobel Prize in economics. Dr. Johnson speaks with Tom Keene and Paul Sweeney on Bloomberg Radio.


 

Power and Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and  Prosperity - YouTube
Uploaded: Apr 4, 20241.65K Views34 Likes
One thousand years of history combined with contemporary evidence make one thing clear: progress depends on the choices we make about technology. Throughout the world today, digital technologies and ...
Book Summary: Power And Progress by Daron Acemoglu & Simon Johnson
Uploaded: Oct 28, 2023400 Views15 Likes
In most eras throughout history the rich exploit the poor. But in 1950's America there was a thriving middle class and a healthy balance between rich and poor. Why?, In "Power And Progress", MIT ...


Book Review: Power and Progress

In Power and Progress, Massachusetts Institute of Technology economists Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson argue that for technology to be beneficial to society and create no unemployment, inequality, or poverty, it needs to be controlled by social power (especially trade unions) and government regulation. 
“Progress is never automatic,” they say; it must be directed.

According to them, the first phase of the industrial revolution impoverished workers, and we are now facing a similar threat. 

  • But, they assure readers, the trajectory of technology is a choice, and it does not have to be left to the market. 
The shift of power to government regulation and organized labor starting in the late 19th and early 20th century translated into fast growth after World War II and a better sharing of the “rent” of technology between capital and labor

  • This shared prosperity crashed in the 1980s with the new information technology, automation, and free-market doctrines like Milton Friedman’s. 
  • Today’s advances in artificial intelligence threaten to make the situation worse. 
  • Moreover, social media works against democracy. 
  • We need to reorient technology to a “socially beneficial trajectory.”

The book’s economic and historical scope is wide and ambitious. One finds a few good points in its 500 pages—for example, the danger of technology used for government surveillance. However, many of the authors’ claims are doubtful and often puzzling.

Angelic democracy /
 
To these critiques, the authors of Power and Progress may invoke a standard objection: democracy will determine what’s good and what’s bad. 
But what is democracy?

The closest they come to defining it is when they write that “democracy, above all else, is about a multitude of voices, critically including those of ordinary people, being heard and becoming significant in public policy decisions.”
But how are these voices aggregated? 

This is a standard economic problem that Acemoglu and Johnson ignore.
  • What about the opinion of Hayek and many classical liberals that democracy is merely a way to assure peaceful transfers of power? 
(See “Populist Choices Are Meaningless,” Spring 2021.)


In short, it seems to me that Acemoglu and Johnson espouse a simple and angelic conception of democracy, which may be synonymous with “good” and “social.” I suggest they would greatly benefit from studying the public-choice explanations of how collective choices are made in different forms of democracies—majoritarian versus constitutionally limited, for example.

The government that Acemoglu and Johnson hope will follow their advice is not a government found in the real world, but their ideal government, not of this world. Consider, for example, their discussion of the 2007–2009 Great Recession, for which they blame greedy corporations. 
  • The only blame they assign to the federal government is to not have regulated enough. 
Remember that the crisis started in the market for mortgage-backed securities (MBS). 
  • It was Ginnie Mae, a government sponsored enterprise (GSE) created by Congress in 1968, that pioneered the issuance of MBSs in 1970. 
  • Up to the MBS crash, numerous politicians were on record claiming the desirability of more mortgages for poorer households. For example, then-congressman Barney Frank wanted to “roll the dice” and “get Fannie and Freddie [two other federal mortgage GSEs] more deeply into helping low-income housing.” 
  • As for a lack of government supervision, Stanford economist John B. Taylor noted that hundreds of regulating bureaucrats were working on the premises of large banks before the crash.

Still, Acemoglu and Johnson maintain that a benevolent, powerful, and effective government would lead society to nirvana: “We must find ways of countering power with alternative sources of power and resisting selfishness with a more inclusive vision.” But nirvana is a dangerous mirage.

To be fair to the authors, they do mention the constraint of the rule of law once, and constitutional constraints a couple of times. But they don’t explain how the vast new powers they want to grant to the state are consistent with such constraints.

They notably propose to “redirect technological change,” remake digital technologies, and create broader-based trade unions. 

They want 
  • “worker-friendly technologies,” 
  • government-funded worker training programs, 
  • data ownership regulations, 
  • the break-up of tech giants (Google, Facebook, Amazon), and 
  • digital advertisement taxes.
Mentioning Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, they long for wealth taxes. 
  • It nearly goes without saying that “society should strengthen its existing social safety net.”
Perhaps more worrisome is what seems to be the theoretical foundation of the redistribution they are after. 
  • They consider any technological innovation and probably any advancement of any sort as creating a sort of “rent” to be shared between “labor” and “capital” under the diktats of some political authority. 
  • They don’t seem to realize that there is no such floating rent belonging to nobody and waiting to be politically apportioned. 
  • Everything belongs to the actors without whom it wouldn’t otherwise exist, 
  • and free markets are the only known mechanism to distribute these rewards so that opportunities and production are maximized. 
A state with the power to redistribute the alleged floating rent from social cooperation—including the work of academics, no doubt—would have to be a totalitarian state. Leviathan’s monitoring and surveillance would certainly increase, not decrease.


Despite its authors’ good intentions, 
Power and Progress looks like the work of philosopher-kings à la Plato. 

German poet and philosopher Friedrich Hölderlin had an answer when he wrote (as quoted by Hayek) that “what has always made the state a hell on earth has been precisely that man has tried to make it his heaven.”

----  Book Review: Power and Progress Winter 2023–2024 
By Pierre Lemieux



World Bank: Poorest countries facing worst debt since 20068 hours 
8 hours ago

The 26 poorest nations in the world are more heavily in debt than any time in the last 18 years, according to a new report. Climate change and conflict are major drivers of poverty in the affected countries.
The list includes Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria, and North Korea. Most of the other nations are in sub-Saharan Africa, and include Ethiopia and Chad.

  • With an annual per capita income of less than $1,145 (€1,050) a year, the World Bank said these countries "are poorer today on average than they were on the eve of COVID-19, even though the rest of the world has largely recovered."
The report also found that these countries are heavily reliant on the World Bank's International Development Association (IDA) to prop up their economies.

"At a time when much of the world simply backed away from the poorest countries, IDA has been their lifeline," World Bank chief economist Indermit Gill said in a statement.
"Over the past five years, it has poured most of its financial resources into the 26 low-income economies, keeping them afloat through the historic setbacks they suffered." 

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