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Schumer: ‘The issue is not me. The issue is winning’
El-Sayed’s win and what’s next for Dems
THE TOP
Schumer: ‘The issue is not me. The issue is winning’
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Democrats’ reckoning. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer doesn’t want to talk about anything past Nov. 3. Not the Democratic leadership elections that month. And certainly not whether he’ll run for reelection in 2028.
In an interview in his Capitol office Wednesday – a day after progressive Abdul El-Sayed narrowly beat Schumer’s preferred candidate, Rep. Haley Stevens (D-Mich.), in the Michigan Democratic Senate primary – the New York Democrat was unfazed and bullish on his party’s chances of regaining power.
Schumer has zero regrets about wading into the Michigan primary, insisting repeatedly that he won’t “postmortem the past.” Still, Schumer conceded not every endorsement may have been the right call.
“The fact that we’re doing as well as we have is proof-positive that we’re doing it right,” Schumer said, referring to Democrats’ recently expanded Senate map. “That doesn’t mean every single decision was the right decision. But I’m not looking back, I’m looking forward.”
Schumer spoke with El-Sayed Wednesday, calling it a “great conversation” and praising the former Michigan public health official for a “very, very strong campaign” that mobilized Wolverine State voters who hadn’t been involved in politics.
Schumer pledged to “do what it takes to win,” brushing off his deep disagreements with El-Sayed over Israel. Other issues — healthcare, the state of the economy and tariffs — matter more to Michiganders, Schumer added.
Schumer said over and over again — and over again, we’re not kidding — that Democrats need to be a “big-tent” party that welcomes rather than suppresses opposing visions of its future. Schumer even deployed the term “big tent-ism” at one point.
“What people don’t understand is that a big tent is a strength, not a weakness,” Schumer said. “It’s how you build a majority.”
Is Schumer baggage? Schumer’s future has become an issue in Democratic primaries across the country. El-Sayed routinely hammered him during the primary fight.
“The issue is not me,” Schumer insisted when pressed on El-Sayed’s comments.
“The issue is doing what working families want and showing clear distinction between the parties and showing the road to victory. And as leader of my caucus, I think we’ve shown that path to victory and that’s why so many people now are saying we have a damn good chance to take back the Senate.”
Democrats disagree, though, over whether Schumer should be putting his thumb on the scale in contested primaries at all. Progressives — who have war chests of their own — haven’t been shy about making their own endorsements, often in conflict with Schumer.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), a member of Schumer’s leadership team, said Schumer shouldn’t be weighing in on competitive primaries given his power to steer party money.
“We should let our candidates build their grassroots campaigns, recruit their volunteers, build their coalitions, and that’s how we find out who’s strongest,” Warren said. “We should not be spending Democratic money against Democrats in a Democratic primary.”
Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said party leaders “should stay out when there’s not one candidate who’s clearly better than the others.” Needless to say, that’s a subjective judgment.
But another key Democrat, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (R.I.), insisted that a hands-off approach would be political malpractice.
“It’s the leader’s job to do his best to make sure that our candidates are winning candidates,” Whitehouse said. “And you don’t have to bat 1.000, but you have to get in there and pitch. And I think him getting in there and pitching was not unhelpful.”
Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), a potential 2028 presidential contender, praised Schumer and affirmed his support for the minority leader.
“He is one of the hardest working senators in this building. He raises the necessary resources,” Kelly told us. “Who knows what’s going to happen next Congress. But I am a supporter of Chuck Schumer.”
Schumer’s job security. There’s no active threat to Schumer’s job. If Democrats net seats in November, Schumer’s position will likely be safe.
Still, El-Sayed has encouraged Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) to challenge Schumer — an effort Van Hollen didn’t rule out when we asked. Van Hollen said only that he’s focused on winning this year and helping shape the party’s future in 2028 to avoid “repeat[ing] the disaster of 2024.”
Schumer said his efforts this cycle “will speak for itself.” Pressed on a potential post-election challenge, Schumer said he has “strong support in my caucus.”
If Democrats underperform this fall, though, it could open up fresh questions about Schumer’s leadership. Schumer’s best path to locking up another term as leader is racking up the wins in November — especially with the candidates he recruited.
Schumer said El-Sayed’s win fits the party’s strategy to flip the Senate.
“Our candidates are not all the same. There’s different backgrounds. They’re from different states,” Schumer added. “But they have one shared mission — winning the Senate and delivering for working families. And so we feel we’re really on a strong foot.”
— Laura Weiss, Andrew Desiderio and John Bresnahan
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THE CAMPAIGN
El-Sayed’s win and what’s next for Dems
Abdul El-Sayed’s victory over Rep. Haley Stevens (D-Mich.) in the contentious Michigan Democratic Senate primary upended many of the assumptions that have shaped national Democrats’ strategy in contested primaries.
Stevens narrowly lost despite tens of millions of dollars in outside spending on her behalf. El-Sayed, the former public health official, won with an early endorsement from Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), kingmaker of the progressive left.
Sanders and his allies in the Senate — most of whom hail from the bluest states — now have a chance to grow their ranks with someone from a purple state that President Donald Trump won less than two years ago.
The stakes are enormous. Flipping the Michigan seat red could save the GOP’s Senate majority. Or the race between El-Sayed and former Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Mich.) could become a chance for the progressive movement to prove its message can break through battleground states.
We spoke with a dozen Democratic senators on Wednesday about their takeaways from the primary, whether and how Democrats can unify after an ugly intra-party brawl, and what the big progressive win means for the Democratic establishment.
Progressive breakthrough. Progressives’ victories in deep-blue House primaries signaled once again the party’s leftward drift. The real test is whether those candidates can win in parts of the country that aren’t solidly Democratic.
Sanders argued that El-Sayed’s victory in the primary may matter as much as anything that happens in November. El-Sayed was outspent nine-to-one and still beat the odds.
“It is one of the most extraordinary victories in modern American political history,” Sanders told us. “I have never heard of a major candidate overcoming that kind of opposition, and then the opposition from the Democratic establishment in Washington and in Michigan.”
Progressives like Sanders claim the conventional wisdom about “electability” is wrong.
“Voters are tuning that out, or maybe even more, they’re just disgusted by that,” Sen. Tina Smith (D-Minn.) said.
How to unify. The Michigan primary is among the latest in the 2026 cycle, so the candidates spent more than a year duking it out. It turned into a proxy fight over the Democratic Party’s future – an existential debate party leaders would much rather have in 2028 than 2026, when Democrats now just need to capitalize on Trump’s unpopularity.
Progressives rejected that premise. They saw a chance to test the potency of their message and prove they can win outside the most liberal pockets of the country.
“[El-Sayed’s] candidacy is going to demonstrate the power of the progressive message,” Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) told us. “And I think after he wins, it’s going to resonate for the politics of our country.”
But for Democrats, 2026 is also about avoiding internecine fights that get in the way of beating Republicans – especially after a primary as brutal as Micghian’s.
El-Sayed and Stevens “will have an especially important role to play in bringing people together,” Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) said. “But I think all of us who recognize the stakes in Michigan need to work to bring people together.”
Other Democrats argued that the intra-party tension helps build a winning coalition.
“I think a little spice is good,” said Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), the likely next Democratic whip. “Unity at the end is important. But unity along the way is a little overrated. And if you’re gonna be a big tent party, you have to have a coalition that, on some level, contradicts itself… We just have to roll with it.”
— Andrew Desiderio and John Bresnahan
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THE CAMPAIGN
Can Ogles survive his primary?
Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) has the primary challenge of his career today against former Tennessee Agriculture Commissioner Charlie Hatcher.
Hatcher, a well-funded and well-connected challenger, has garnered significant endorsements from Tennessee GOP Gov. Bill Lee and former Republican Gov. Bill Haslam. Republicans we spoke with this week say there’s a real chance Ogles loses.
Ogles, first elected in 2022, has President Donald Trump’s backing. But he’s consistently attracted controversy and angered local power brokers in the Tennessee GOP hierarchy. Also, Ogles’ district was redrawn this year in a shift that’s made him less familiar to voters.
The spending disparity is notable. Ogles raised $143,000 in the second quarter and reported just $58,000 on hand in his pre-primary report. Ogles has raised roughly $100,000 less than Hatcher this cycle. A group funded by clean-energy investors dropped $1.5 million on ads hitting Ogles. The Freedom Caucus Fund came to the incumbent’s defense with only $540,000.
Hatcher has attacked Ogles for failing to deliver results during his two terms. Hatcher’s campaign website includes a quote wondering what Trump could accomplish “if our congressman spent less time talking and more time doing.”
Democrats plan to contest the 5th District in November even though Trump won it by 23 points in 2024. Democratic nominee Chaz Molder, the mayor of Columbia, Tenn., is seen by many in the party as a top recruit. Democrats would rather face Ogles, whom they see as the weaker candidate.
In other races. Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) and Rep. John Rose (R-Tenn.) will square off in the state’s GOP gubernatorial primary. Blackburn is the prohibitive favorite, although Trump has stayed neutral in the race.
— Max Cohen
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THE AGENDA
The Senate’s countdown
The Senate is supposed to — maybe — leave town for the August recess today, but Senate Majority Leader John Thune’s to-do list hasn’t slimmed much since Monday.
Never bet against “Senate magic,” especially with a five-week recess looming.
But Thune wants to get a lot done before senators run out the door. His wishlist includes: a government funding bill, a Russia sanctions bill, Todd Blanche’s attorney general bid, a package of 74 lower-level executive branch nominees and a procedural vote on a crypto bill.
Most of that requires unanimous consent to speed up. Thune is threatening weekend work, which is about par for the course at this stage.
Here’s where things stand:
CR. Negotiations over fast-tracking the CR are a complete mess. Sen. Ted Budd (R-N.C.) isn’t backing off his push for an amendment vote to strip language delaying a hemp ban set to begin in November.
Budd on Wednesday accused the White House of air-dropping the provision into the CR, adding: “This is absolutely ridiculous.”
The problem for Senate GOP leadership is that Budd’s amendment would likely pass, creating problems with the White House, which requested the delay.
GOP senators confronted White House legislative affairs chief James Braid over the hemp issue during a Senate GOP lunch, as we scooped. The Senate may need to just keep running the clock on the CR.
Russia sanctions. As we first reported, Senate Democratic leaders hotlined a proposed agreement that included a vote on an amendment from Sens. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.) and Bill Cassidy (R-La.) to tweak the bill’s tariff language.
This signals that a unanimous-consent agreement to expedite final passage of the landmark legislation is getting closer. Warnock was the final holdout. Whether the hotline cleared among Democrats is uncertain. GOP leaders say they’re clear on their side.
The proposed agreement would also tee up a vote on an amendment from Sens. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) to scrap tariff provisions entirely.
Attorney general. Senate GOP leaders have been hopeful about Blanche, but they need one of two remaining Republican holdouts.
The nominee’s fate is in the hands of Cassidy and Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), who met with Blanche Wednesday. Murkowski has always had an independent streak. Cassidy has nothing to lose after President Donald Trump helped his primary challenger win.
Opposition from Democrats and Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) has narrowed Blanche’s path and Democrats are playing up the issues that snagged him.
More on that front: Top Democratic tax writers Rep. Richie Neal (Mass.) and Wyden are dropping bills today to scrap Trump’s IRS audit immunity deal, pitching it as an enforceable check amid Blanche’s confirmation process.
Crypto. Senate negotiators are scrambling for a bipartisan breakthrough on the Clarity Act, and Republicans insist a pre-recess vote is still coming.
The White House is apparently playing ball and discussing a bipartisan ethics deal from Sens. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) and Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.). That’s one of the many things that need to go right for Clarity to have a shot.
— Andrew Desiderio, Laura Weiss, Samantha Handler and Brendan Pedersen
AND THERE’S MORE
Impeachment news. Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-Calif.) will introduce articles of impeachment against OMB Director Russ Vought on Thursday for the administration’s role in canceling federal funding to Democratic states. Kamlager-Dove will introduce the impeachment articles — which accuse Vought of abuse of power and failure to faithfully execute the law of the United States — during the House’s pro forma session.
— Max Cohen
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How a small shop finds new ways to create using Claude
New ways to create start with new ways to solve problems. Joe Bacus and Leef Armontrout, founders of BLA Studios in St. Louis, are doing both with Claude—from welding machinery, to a steel-saving program, to community improvements. Learn more
Editorial photos provided by Getty Images. Political ads courtesy of AdImpact.
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