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Friday, October 28, 2022

FIAT MONEY BREAKS CAPITALISM, AND BITCOIN FIXES IT The problems of today are constantly criticized under the label of capitalism, but fiat money has warped free market interactions.

 


FIATFIAT MONEY BREAKS CAPITALISM, AND BITCOIN FIXES IT

The problems of today are constantly criticized under the label of capitalism, but fiat money has warped free market interactions.

HANNAH WOLFMAN-JONES11 HOURS AGO MONEY BREAKS CAPITALISM, AND BITCOIN FIXES IT

The problems of today are constantly criticized under the label of capitalism, but fiat money has warped free market interactions.
  • HANNAH WOLFMAN-JONES
  • 11 HOURS AGO
OPINION

FIAT MONEY BREAKS CAPITALISM, AND BITCOIN FIXES IT

The problems of today are constantly criticized under the label of capitalism, but fiat money has warped free market interactions.
  • HANNAH WOLFMAN-JONES
  • 11 HOURS AGO
  • HOME
  • MARKETS

This is an opinion editorial by Hannah Wolfman-Jones, author of “System Override: How Bitcoin, Blockchain, Free Speech, & Free Tech Can Change Everything” and founder of We The Web.

Capitalism is controversial these days. Many look at societal problems today and lay the blame squarely at the feet of capitalism. What these crusaders who proudly label themselves as “anti-capitalists” fail to realize is the global fiat system we have today is not really capitalism.

Under capitalism in its pure form, people with capital invest in businesses and ventures that they believe have merit and thus are likely to generate returns. Investors need to make difficult prudent judgments and take on the risk of losing big. Their capital — when invested in a successful business — allows for the creation of services, goods and jobs that are desired by people, making the profits awarded to successful investors just. Through investors in a free market, worthy ventures can get the capital they need to launch or expand a successful business, increasing prosperity across society in a meritocratic manner.

Unfortunately, this system has been greatly disrupted as the decentralized judgements by millions of independent actors in a free marketplace have been supplanted by the unilateral judgements of a few bureaucrats. Under the fiat monetary system, money itself is controlled by a small cabal of unelected economists and bankers. Capitalism is all about free markets. When it comes to our money itself, the currencies used, their supply and interest rates are not market-determined but rather calibrated by bureaucrats. This is not capitalism.

So, instead of spending all their considerable analytical efforts looking at possible business ventures and market needs, savvy capital allocators must follow and predict the actions of central banks, whose edicts can tip entire economies into bear or bull runs. “Don’t fight the Fed,” is an old mantra on Wall Street referring to the idea that investments must align with the current monetary policies of the Federal Reserve to be successful. Investors thus have to follow and theorize around the actions of unelected, unaccountable, powerful centralized actors such as the Chair of the Federal Reserve Jerome Powell. This creates wasted effort and a huge misallocation of resources as the capital available to value-generating businesses fluctuates hugely on the words of one man — Powell — whose actions these businesses do not control. For example, Powell’s speech on August 26, 2022 precipitated a drop in the Dow Jones Industrial Average, the S&P 500, and the Nasdaq Composite of 3.03%, 3.37%, and 3.94% respectively — a staggering fall for just one day. This greatly hinders the meritocratic value creation of capitalism: Savvy investors must make decisions based on Powell’s words rather than a business’s value.

Moreover, under the fiat system, designated legal tenders such as the U.S. dollar are in a perpetual state of inflation. This inflation forces ordinary people looking to save money to risk their capital on investments or else watch their purchasing power be steadily eaten away. Thus, people who are not investors, who lack the skill and desire to risk their capital on business ventures, are forced to do so. Without a venture they believe in for investment, hard-working normal people put their money in indexes and mutual funds. “Zombie companies,” — economically unviable companies that survive through investments while failing to deliver sufficient products and services to the market to cover their costs — can persist for many years due to their inclusion in these indexes and funds. These “zombie companies” receive passive investments from ordinary people who do not know company fundamentals but are forced to invest in indexes and mutual funds to preserve their savings in the face of constant fiat inflation.

If Bitcoin were adopted globally, it would provide hard money that does not depreciate in value long-term. Thus, ordinary people could save in Bitcoin rather than risk their retirements on companies they themselves have not evaluated through mutual funds and indexes. Moreover, the monetary policy of Bitcoin is transparently baked into its code rather than being controlled by powerful central bankers. In a world where Bitcoin dominated over fiat, investors could once again turn all their attention to finding ventures of merit rather than hanging on every word of the Fed. This would largely restore the prosperity-creating engine of capitalism — the least terrible economic system we have.

This is a guest post by Hannah Wolfman-Jones. Opinions expressed are entirely their own and do not necessarily reflect those of BTC Inc or Bitcoin Magazine.

SOUND MONEYCAPITALISMFIAT

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BTC Inc.
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New Book: PUTIN | Short’s editorial commentary detracts from “Putin” by derailing the narrative and presenting simplistic, at times misleading or baseless interpretations

 


A New Putin Biography: Rich Stories of Early Life, and Some Needless America Bashing

October 26, 2022
Paul Saunders

BOOK REVIEW

Putin by Philip Short“Putin”
By Philip Short
Henry Holt and Co., July 2022

As Russia continues its devastating war in Ukraine, those inside and outside both countries strain to understand Russian President Vladimir Putin. Despite some shortcomings, Philip Short’s new biography “Putin” is valuable to anyone eager to learn more about Russia’s leader.

At nearly 700 pages, the book is exhaustive though not comprehensive, in that few if any biographers could have full access to the Kremlin’s internal operations or to Putin’s confidantes (if any truly exist). Short conducted nearly 200 interviews during eight years of research; his narrative of Putin’s pre-Moscow life, which makes up the first third of the book, is especially rich and engaging. These chapters establish Vladimir Putin as a human being—calculating, reticent, prideful, easily provoked and at times reckless—rather than a crafty super-spy or a comic-book villain.

Short has likewise usefully integrated the parallel stories of Putin’s career and Russia’s post-Soviet history. His prologue, about the 1999 apartment bombings that many see as covert state acts of terror to enable Putin’s rise to the presidency, illustrates Russia’s murky internal affairs. His description of St. Petersburg Putin’s post-KGB work in local government helps to decode the later Moscow Putin’s complex relations with Russia’s economic reformers. And his chronicle of Putin’s growing disappointment with the West during the George W. Bush administration sets the stage for the unraveling of U.S.-Russia relations.

Still, “Putin” is not flawless. While some have criticized Short’s characterization of Putin as “more sympathetic” than other English-language biographies by American, British and Russian émigré writers, the book’s true weakness lies less in Short’s presentation of Putin—which does not shy from the Russian leader’s flaws—than in an apparent contempt for U.S. foreign policy and some U.S. officials that sometimes distorts history.

Many might agree with Short’s view that Washington has made numerous mistakes—in managing U.S.-Russia relations and in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and elsewhere—and share his desire for greater humility from U.S. officials past and present. Nevertheless, Short’s editorial commentary detracts from “Putin” by derailing the narrative and presenting simplistic, at times misleading or baseless interpretations. This is especially evident in his account of the Bush administration and its policies. (I was a political appointee and a senior advisor to the under secretary of state from 2003 to 2005.)

One example is Short’s assertion that “neoconservatives in the White House” provoked Moscow to invade Georgia in August 2008 by pressing for NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia. While a Russia-Georgia war might not have occurred in 2008 absent NATO’s April communique promising eventual membership, securing NATO Membership Action Plans (MAPs) for the two countries was a bipartisan project with support well beyond unnamed neoconservative aides to President Bush. Short does not acknowledge that one month before the NATO summit, in March, the U.S. Senate passed a resolution calling for MAPs for the two countries by unanimous consent. Moreover, while Washington was the most influential advocate for Ukrainian and Georgian membership, it was neither the only nor the most ardent supporter of the policy.

Short likewise goes somewhat astray in his discussion of Russia’s energy exports to Europe during this period, wrongly asserting that concerns over Europe’s dependence on Russian natural gas “took on additional significance” at the time of Gazprom’s 2006 cutoff of gas deliveries to Ukraine because “Washington was seeking European markets for U.S. exports of liquified natural gas.” .  .

[    ]

While Russia’s president continues to encounter ordinary people, these interactions—like those of any president in a large country—are highly structured. During the 22 years that Putin has been president or prime minister, Russia has evolved dramatically; he may have intimately understood public anger over Russia’s domestic chaos and international decline during the 1990s, but how well does he understand his country today? Short does not fully explore either Russia’s evolution or Putin’s connection to its disparate social groups.

In concluding “Putin,” Short grapples with one of the biggest questions in U.S.-Russia relations since 1991—was today’s hostility inevitable? In Short’s view, it was: “America, the dominant global power, believes that its role is to lead. Russia refuses to be led.” These two short sentences capture the enduring tension at the heart of Washington’s interaction with Moscow over the last 30 years. But they prompt another question—namely, if conflict was inevitable, how much does Putin really matter? That Russians appeared shocked by their president’s decision to invade Ukraine in February, notwithstanding broad agreement with his grievances toward America and the West, suggests that some of Putin’s choices have been unique and consequential. Likewise, while their approaches to European security have not been equivalent to Putin’s war, it is conceivable that leaders in Washington, London, Paris, Berlin and other Western capitals could have developed different policies to pursue their hopes and avoid their fears. Short effectively conveys Vladimir Putin’s bitterness that they did not.

AUTHOR

Paul Saunders

Paul Saunders is the president of the Energy Innovation Reform Project and a senior fellow in U.S. foreign policy at the Center for the National Interest. 

The opinions expressed herein are solely those of the author. Photo by Kremlin.ru shared under a Creative Commons license.

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Tom Tomorrow........

 


...The Nib

The Nib

Political satire, journalism and non-fiction on what is going down in the world. All in comics form, the best medium.

AUTHOR: TOM TOMORROW

Tom Tomorrow (Dan Perkins) is the creator of This Modern World, a weekly cartoon of political and social satire which has been a mainstay of the alternative press for more than two and a half decades. His work has also appeared in publications including The New York Times, the New Yorker, Esquire, Spin, Mother Jones, US News and World Report, the Economist, and many others. He is a two-time recipient of the Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award, the 2013 recipient of the prestigious Herblock Prize for editorial cartooning, and a 2015 finalist for the Pulitzer Prize.

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by Tom Tomorrow

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The GOP wants a majority in Congress | Daily Kos

 


Marjorie Taylor Greene says a GOP-led House will investigate companies that stopped donating to Republicans after the Capitol riot

By Matthew Loh 

Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene said on Wednesday that if the GOP wins a majority in Congress, it will investigate companies that stopped donating to them after the Capitol riot.

Speaking on former Trump adviser Steve Bannon's "War Room" podcast, Greene accused unnamed businesses of "corporate communism." She suggested that she and her Republican colleagues should probe such companies for their conduct.

"You know what they did after January 6, Steve? They stopped donating. All the lobbyists, all the big corporations stopped donating to a whole bunch of my Republican colleagues that they used to donate to," Greene said.

"They said: 'Oh no, we can't support you because of the big lie,' or whatever they want to call it," she continued.

"There is going to be investigations coming," Greene added. "And there should be. There definitely should be, because the way corporations have conducted themselves, I've always called it corporate communism."

Trump Republicans, like their infantile leader, are very vindictive. So accordingly starting a swarm of trumped up investigations will be at the top of the Republican Party’s agenda, should they win the House. Americans should expect 2 years of partisan political theater if Republicans do win the House, with little to nothing being done to address America’s most urgent issues. Women’s healthcare will be under attack nationally. Issues like climate change will get ignored, or more likely we will go backward as a country. Dozens of needed initiatives will be neglected by the vindictive cheapskate Republicans.. 

No doubt Kevin McCarthy has a few items to add to their revenge list. 

So vote like your country’s future depended on it! 

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