Friday, November 04, 2022

Gosar & Greene -- Weapons of Mass Delusion: When the Republican Party Lost Its Mind

'The intellectual bankruptcy Draper chronicles pivots around McCarthy, whose blind ambition to become the next speaker leads to a series of despicable choices. First, he decides he must push Liz Cheney out of Republican leadership, because she refuses to pretend Trump lost the election because of fraud. Then he goes out of his way to mend his friendship with Trump and turn a blind eye to Greene’s outrages, because he is convinced he cannot win a House majority without Trump’s craziest supporters..."




www.theguardian.com

Weapons of Mass Delusion review: Robert Draper dissects the Trumpian nightmare


 

Charles Kaiser
6 - 8 minutes

'Not so long ago, fake news stories were routinely smothered, simply by being ignored by the biggest newspapers and the major TV networks, their storylines safely confined to the National Enquirer and its tabloid competitors.

Rogue legislators with histories of racism or addiction to conspiracy theories usually suffered the same fate for the same reason – nobody gave them ink or air time. Their leaders in the House and Senate could complete their marginalization.

These gatekeepers did not have perfect judgement, but in our time it has become obvious that they provided essential protections for democracy. The internet and its infernal algorithms are the main reasons no institution or congressional leader retains the power to protect the public from outright insanity.

Robert Draper’s new book about Washington in the 18 months after January 6 is all about the fatal consequences of the brave new world the internet created, in which Republican outliers like the Arizona congressman Paul Gosar and his mentee, Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, are much more likely to be rewarded for “outrageous, fact-free behavior” than to be penalized for it.

The author, a New York Times magazine contributor, begins with a confession: all his previous books and articles about the Republican party “tended to bear the telltale influence of my father, a lifelong Republican”.

Since his focus is “the tension between the party’s reality-based wing and the lost-its mind wing”, this confession reinforces the idea that all the book’s harsh judgements are coming from a dispassionate observer.

✓ But later on in the book this feels less like a confession and more like a mea culpa, when Draper describes three common notions about Donald Trump’s successful putsch: the idea it was accomplished through “force and surprise”; the notion “that the party was fully functioning and purposeful” before Trump took it over; and the contention “that the GOP bore no responsibility for the crime committed against it”.

As Draper writes, “Each of these notions is false.” . .Unlike Mark Leibovich’s recent book, Thank You for Your Servitude, which covers much of the same territory but does not manage to tell us anything new, Draper provides pungent new anecdotes about and original analysis of the most outrageous actors, like Gosar and Greene, and their main enabler, the House minority leader, Kevin McCarthy.

READ MORE ...

Oct 23, 2022 · The New York Times reporter's fine book shows Kevin McCarthy to be the enabler of all Republican enablers.
 
7 days ago · What I learned while I worked on a book about the state of the GOP. ... Book cover of Robert Draper's book Weapons of Mass Delusion.
Weapons of Mass Delusion: When the Republican Party Lost Its Mind. by. Robert Draper. Publisher: Penguin Press. ISBN: 9780593300145.
8 hours ago · Heading into the final days of the midterms, large parts of the Republican base remain tethered to former President Trump's lies about the ...

VIDEO 

Wednesday, November 02, 2022

Developing News: What to watch: PRIME TIME Speech is scheduled for 7 p.m. ET on Wednesday

The big picture: White House Senior Advisor and Assistant to the President Anita Dunn said that the setting of Capitol Hill is important.

  • "Because on January 6th we saw violence geared towards subverting democratic processes there."
  • "It is an appropriate place to make these remarks tonight," she said.
  • "The threat of political violence ... it's something that unites almost all Americans and something we can all be united against," Dunn said.

www.axios.com

Biden set to deliver major speech on democracy

 

Erin Doherty
2 minutes

President Biden on Wednesday evening is set to deliver a speech at Union Station in the Capitol Hill neighborhood on democracy, where he will make clear what's at stake in the midterm elections.

Driving the news: “You can expect to hear from him this evening … there is a lot at stake including democracy and that everyone has a role in that," said White House Deputy Chief of Staff and Assistant to the President Jen O’Malley Dillon during an Axios News Shapers event on Wednesday.

  • "The other thing that will be really important … people will be able to vote…democracy works to make sure every vote is counted."

The big picture: White House Senior Advisor and Assistant to the President Anita Dunn said that the setting of Capitol Hill is important.

  • "Because on January 6th we saw violence geared towards subverting democratic processes there."
  • "It is an appropriate place to make these remarks tonight," she said.
  • "The threat of political violence ... it's something that unites almost all Americans and something we can all be united against," Dunn said.

What to watch: The speech is scheduled for 7 p.m. ET on Wednesday evening.

  • "The president will address the threat of election deniers and those who seek to undermine faith in voting and democracy; and the stakes for our democracy in next week’s election," the Democratic National Committee said in a statement.

Editor's note: This is a developing story. Please check back for updates.

SUBVERTING ELECTION RESULTS: Thomas could "end up being the key," . . Best shot at holding up the count of a state in Congress

The messages were part of eight emails that Eastman sought to shield from the Jan. 6 select committee, but a judge ordered that the emails be released, Politico reports.

Trump lawyers saw Thomas as "key" to disrupting 2020 election count

Thomas would be “our only chance to get a favorable judicial opinion by Jan. 6, which might hold up the Georgia count in Congress.”

Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas poses for an official portrait in Washington, D.C. Photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images

Emails that emerged Wednesday underscore the extent to which former President Trump's top legal advisers zeroed in on Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas as "being key" in their bid to overturn the results of the 2020 election.

Driving the news: "We want to frame things so that Thomas could be the one to issue some sort of stay or other circuit justice opinion saying Georgia is in legitimate doubt," Trump lawyer Kenneth Chesebro wrote in an email on Dec. 31, 2020, to John Eastman and other members of Trump's legal team.

Tuesday, November 01, 2022

TechDirt: This and that and _____. . .

 

About Techdirt.

Started in 1997 by Floor64 founder Mike Masnick and then growing into a group blogging effort, the Techdirt blog relies on a proven economic framework to analyze and offer insight into news stories about changes in government policy, technology and legal issues that affect companies’ ability to innovate and grow. As the impact of technological innovation on society, civil liberties and consumer rights has grown, Techdirt?s coverage has expanded to include these critical topics.

The dynamic and interactive community of Techdirt readers often comment on the addictive quality of the content on the site, a feeling supported by the blog’s average of ~1 million visitors per month and more than 1.7 million comments on 73,000+ posts. Both Business Week and Forbes have awarded Techdirt Best of the Web thought leader awards.

You can also find Techdirt on Twitter and Facebook.

THIS

 

 

THAT

Finally: Countries Start To Rebel Against Corporate Sovereignty, But Ten Years Too Late

from the we-did-warn-you dept

Back in 2013, Techdirt wrote about “the monster lurking inside free trade agreements”. Formally, the monster is known as Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS), but here on Techdirt we call it “corporate sovereignty“, because that is what it is: a system of secret courts that effectively places companies above a government, by allowing them to sue a nation if the latter takes actions or brings in laws that might adversely affect their profits.

In 2015, we warned that corporate sovereignty would threaten EU plans to protect the environment in the TAFTA/TTIP trade deal between the US and the EU. TAFTA/TTIP never happened, but fossil fuel companies were able to to use other treaties to demand over $18 billion as “compensation” for the potential loss of future profits as the result of increasing government action to tackle climate change. . " READ MORE

AND . . .

Techdirt Podcast Episode 336: The DSA Is A Mess, But Will Now Rule The Internet

from the big-regulation dept

There are big internet regulatory changes coming in the EU, with the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act. Each is a huge bundle of new rules that could drastically change the future of the entire internet, and today we’re focusing on the DSA, which is set to come into force in 2024. Emma Llansó from the Center for Democracy & Technology and Daphne Keller from Stanford’s Cyber Policy Center join us on this week’s episode to dig into the DSA and its many, many implications.

Follow the Techdirt Podcast on Soundcloud, subscribe via Apple Podcasts or Spotify, or grab the RSS feed. You can also keep up with all the latest episodes right here on Techdirt.

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Open to Interpretation

 



WHAT?? ...Try this next, Big Brother

 RELATED CONTENT 

Government insiders say digital IDs could make massive fraud events rare

Government insiders say digital IDs could make massive fraud events rare

When looked at through the lens of identity fraud in the United States, the pandemic has showed how poorly government systems performed in safeguarding an unprecedented emergency relief program.

On the other hand – and this hand is not steady – it has been the catalyzing event that could propel the nation into digital IDs, making government services faster, cheaper and more secure.

According to reporting by The (San Jose) Mercury News, $80 billion to $100 billion was fraudulently claimed from the $400 billion Covid Economic Injury Disaster Loan program. How much was taken with fraudulent identification schemes is to be determined, but the percentage is likely to be high.

Also disconcerting was a panel discussion June 17, sponsored by Socure, a predictive-analytics platform for digital ID verification, about how identity fraud is evolving. There were four speakers and a moderator all of whom are or have been federal or state officials.

Only journalists were invited, an atypical arrangement.

Even if there had been no gigantic economic bailout, all the millions of people suddenly interacting online with the world outside their homes would have presented rich opportunities for criminals. And that online glut of activity largely remains.

“There is more money moving through the system,” said Suzette Kent, a former federal CIO and current CEO of Kent Advisory Systems. The number of Americans online is extraordinary, and the opportunity for crime “is pervasive across all industries.”

The dangers are only going to get more sophisticated, said Linda Miller, former deputy executive director of the federal Pandemic Response Accountability Committee, part of the Council of the Inspectors General.

Now a principal at Grant Thornton, Miller said street gangs are crawling the dark web to learn how to get involved.

The panel agreed that it was not the speed at which relief money was sent to individuals and companies. It was the fact that anti-fraud measures were insufficient.

In the past, building friction into transactions has helped in some circumstances, said Jordan Burris, a former federal CIO chief of staff and now cybersecurity strategist at Socure. Those days are done.

The federal government has to “prioritize a mind-set shift,” said Burris. It is possible to use AI to spot red flags and suspicious patterns even as the speed of services increases.

Of course, there is always trust. Trust in government capabilities and competence, certainly, but also giving individuals the power to set their own varying, flexible levels of identity verification.

Kent said a person should be able to set verification parameters – friction – based on the transaction. A citizen likely (hopefully, should) choose more friction when trying to transact a tax issue, but paying entrance fees for a national park could be slick.

There is nothing remotely impossible in what the panel agreed must be done technologically to fight identity fraud. And the world saw that the federal government is capable of racing at business speed to aid the economy.

No less than the Treasury Department has sent officials out to talk about making 2022 a year of action on digital ID.

But left unsaid is that conservatives have spent a generation saying the federal government is incompetent, corrupt and too big. If recent political events are any indication, that sentiment has cemented for a large number of Americans.

Can a pilloried government win more control over personal information, even if the program is a collaboration with states and businesses? It would be asking for a lot of trust."


MORE STATES GOING DIGITAL


If more states adopt digital IDs, their range of use could be expanded, experts say.

Arizona First State to Accept Digital IDs for Air Travel

According to an announcement from Apple, Arizona has started allowing the use of digital IDs and driver's licenses at the Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport. Other states are soon to follow.

Massive pandemic relief fraud has Congress eyeing digital IDs

Fintech platforms help US regulators weigh security benefits of digital IDs.

Massive pandemic relief fraud has Congress eyeing digital IDs
Aurich Lawson | Getty Images

When the US government began offering financial aid to Americans struggling to cope with a pandemic-fueled economic collapse in 2020, the Department of Treasury and the Federal Bureau of Investigation urged Americans to be ever more vigilant about their personal information. COVID-19 scams seemed to be everywhere, and for government agencies, it became difficult to ensure that all the money it was sending out actually made it to the citizens most in need of aid—and not into the hands of bad actors.

It’s now estimated that hundreds of billions in COVID relief funds were stolen, Bloomberg reported, with no way of knowing the true cost of the losses.

It has perhaps never been clearer to the federal government how impactful it could be during times of emergency to already have trusted nationwide digital identification verification systems in place.

Unfortunately, that’s not where COVID-19 found America. Last year, McKinsey conducted an analysis of 12 countries, including the US, that provided COVID-19 aid. It found that the countries that were most successful in distributing aid to the right people were the ones that had already invested in digitizing financial infrastructure, including “the presence of a basic digital identification system with broad population coverage.” Countries like Singapore and India cover more than 80 percent of their populations with such a system; the US population coverage with digital IDs was around 70 percent in 2021.

Partly reacting to the pandemic, the US has slowly begun to ramp up that coverage so that more Americans have digital IDs. McKinsey reports that this will make it easier to provide financial aid more effectively and quickly in the future. But it also unlocks potential opportunities to provide Americans with more privacy and security than traditional IDs typically give.


For example, a driver’s license, which has become the default ID for most people in the country, has a vulnerable combination of sensitive information printed right on it: name, date of birth, and address. With digital IDs, the theory is that Americans can better protect sensitive information by relying on a QR code to share only the information needed for a transaction to be verified. This would limit the data collected by third parties that can then be seized by bad actors through data breaches—breaches that, without intervention, are predicted to cost the world $5 trillion by 2024, the United Nations reported.

In a truly digitized society, an ideal identity verification process might include none of those traditional ID features that many Americans associate with identity theft and other fraudulent activity. Socure, a leading global digital ID verification and fraud prevention platform, has helped many countries update systems and is now in talks with the US.

Socure’s Vice President of Compliance Debra Geister told Ars that the platform has been helping US regulators understand that beyond names, social security numbers, addresses, and birthdays, “there are a whole host of flavors” to identify Americans digitally, including IP addresses, mobile devices, and biometrics. Geister said that by consulting with fintech platforms like Socure, the US government can take advantage of private sector insights and inch closer to understanding how to mix all those flavors together to accurately verify “that the identity actually belongs to the person.”

The vision of the future being sold today is of a metaverse where people can travel back and forth, making transactions in virtual worlds and the real one. But experts say the only way this future will work is if people can trust that the avatars they meet online are who they say they are. That trust will depend on technologically advanced digital identity verification, Forbes Business Council reported, “adding a measure of safety, security, and privacy controls.” The same level of confidence in digital identity verification could exist for the public sector in the real world by relying on the same technology—if regulators can keep up, Geister said.

“As technology advances, we can't rely on old-school methods,” Geister told Ars.

What having a seamless digital identity looks like

Part of the US’s embrace of digital identity has already begun in the most basic way imaginable—with states launching digitized driver’s licenses. However, Bloomberg Law pointed out that nationwide adoption will depend on states “coalescing around a common standard for how the identification cards are built and used.” To get the whole country on board with digitizing identity, the federal government will likely benefit not just from states digitizing IDs but also from private sector financial technologies increasing the adoption of digitized identity verification.

One example is found in the increasingly popular forms of digital wallets. These can transform people's phone or watch into their ID so they can leave their real wallets with all their IDs and credit cards safely stored at home. The more that people get used to this easy way of providing ID, the more they will crave the same ease in all ID verification, whether it’s in the public or private sector, the thinking goes.

Evolving digital identity verification was a big trend discussed this October at the Las Vegas conference Money 20/20, where banks, major financial services technologies, nascent platforms, investors, and customers all gathered to discuss what’s most needed next in fintech innovation. As a featured speaker, JPMorgan Chase’s global head of payments, Takis Georgakopoulos, told hundreds of conference-goers why monitoring spiking consumer demand for a more seamless digital identity drove the bank to new investments this year.

“You see much more people wanting to own their digital identity across multiple different platforms, be able to use it in the way they like, and be able to interact with the platform, both online and offline, in the way that they choose, with a wallet that they choose, and currencies that will become, over time, interoperable between the real and the virtual world,” Georgakopoulos said. This and other key trends “drive a lot of our investments,” he said.

One of those investments earlier this year was in VW Pay, a digital wallet initially created for Volkswagen cars. Adit Gadgil, JPMorgan’s global co-head of technology, media, and telecommunications, told Ars that the car-based wallet solution would have remained a captive fintech system within VW, but now, JPMorgan can spin it out to be available to a wide range of car makers globally. Gadgil said that as the Internet of Things advances, the futuristic view that JPMorgan takes is one where you can pull up to a McDonald’s and pay for your food with your car or head to a gas station with pumps that detect and accept payment directly from your vehicle.

“You step out of a car, you fuel up, and off you go—you don't have to worry about the payment experience,” Gadgil told Ars. Comparing it to the marvel of Uber when it first launched and seemed to make a ride to anywhere appear out of thin air, Gadgil said that car-based wallets offer “a magical, delightful, seamless payment experience.”

It’s not just banks interested in digital identity. Chief compliance officer for the cryptocurrency exchange network Coinbase, Melissa Strait, told Money 20/20 attendees that she was also very excited about new ways that digital identity can be verified through blockchain technology initially developed to support cryptocurrency transactions.

“We can have a trustless identity, where I can know that you are a trusted party not because I know your name and your date of birth and things like that but because of the attributes you carry with you,” Strait said.

For JPMorgan, those attributes look like a mobile device or a car—or even less visible wearables that make it so that people won’t even need to carry an item to be recognized during legitimate financial transactions. “In China, they call it ‘you pay with a smile,’” Georgakopoulos said.

Challenges slowing down regulators

Although data breaches and fraud were major concerns for consumers who were shopping online in record numbers during the height of the pandemic, Strait said the growth in decentralized finance platforms in the past few years led the US government to primarily focus on anti-money laundering regulations. This, Strait said, provides challenges to traditional law enforcement investigations, which depend on knowing identifying information in order to issue subpoenas and file cases against bad actors. By taking away traditional IDs, the government has to rethink a cascade of legal processes defined by knowing names, addresses, and dates of birth of people involved in financial transactions.

“If you're removing that tool in their toolkit, that really starts to be a bit of a reframing in the way that they do their work,” Strait told conference-goers.

However, Geister told Ars she has found that US regulators also want to be able to provide aid securely and diminish fraud. It’s still very early days for regulators tackling these issues, and Geister said that to ease regulators into the future, her goal is “to help them understand the scope of what's possible” to secure an identity.

But what seems so exciting about digital IDs for fintech businesses like Socure, Coinbase, and JPMorgan appears less comfortable to regulators, Geister said. In her work, regulators aren’t even comfortable with a person's device pre-filling forms to add identifying information—a convenience Geister said consumers love.

“The regulators right now are saying, ‘No, anything that is not the consumer putting in their information is not acceptable,’" Geister said. However, lately, she sees regulators shifting course on that line of thinking and considering new ways to protect a person’s identifying information. Congress is even currently weighing a new law called the Improving Digital Identity Act, which would create a government-wide task force “to develop secure methods for governmental agencies to validate identity attributes to protect the privacy and security of individuals and support reliable, interoperable digital identity verification in the public and private sectors.”

As more people seek ways to verify their identities online and offline, for business and for government use, Geister expects that catching regulators up to financial services platforms will continue to be slow and steady.

“You think about government payments or aid programs—they don't want to stop them,” Geister told Ars. “But at the same time, that leaves them open to fraud. So I think that they're going to have to solve these problems a few at a time. I don't see them taking a massive leap.”

Nature & Human Behavior... Looks like nothing works! | ArsTechnica

SPOILER ALERT - One of the limitations of this work that may get in the way of understanding what's going on is that it treats the loss of trust in democracy as symmetric across the political spectrum. And, in some cases, like the willingness to employ gerrymandering, that's accurate. But in others, like support for baseless conspiracy theories about election fraud and willingness to limit voting rights, there's a definite asymmetry. Ignoring this distinction may cause us to miss some effects that are small only because they're concentrated in a subset of the participants.

Interventions that reduce partisan vitriol don’t help democracy

Thinking better of your partisan opponents doesn't mean you want them voting.

The risk of violence has become a backdrop for protests and polls in the US.
Enlarge / The risk of violence has become a backdrop for protests and polls in the US.

It's no secret that the US is suffering from a reduced commitment to one of its foundational principles: democratic representation. Gerrymandering, political violence, and unfounded accusations of election fraud are in the news regularly, and the widespread support for them raises questions about why so much of the population has suddenly turned against democratic ideas.

One of the simplest potential explanations is that it's a product of partisanship grown ugly. Rather than thinking of political opponents as simply wrong, a growing fraction of the US public views their political opposites as a threat that needs to be neutralized. If your opponents represent a danger to society, how could you possibly accept them winning elections?

If that's a major driver, then lowering the partisan temperature should help. And, conveniently, social scientists have developed interventions that do exactly that. But now, a team of researchers has tested that and found that it doesn't work. You can make people more comfortable with their partisan opposites, and they'll still want to suppress their vote—possibly with violence.

Missed connections

The team behind the new work, from a collection of US universities, recognized that there's a bit of a disconnect in a lot of the current literature on partisan polarization. The dominant idea has been that thinking less of your opponents—viewing them as a threat or morally or ethically challenged—is a pre-condition for doing anything to keep them from power. And, for many, that "anything" includes violating democratic ideals by suppressing votes or resorting to violence.

Under this view, getting people to view their opponents in a better light should restore a willingness to allow those opponents full participation in the political process. And we already have techniques that several studies have indicated help tone down the sort of partisan distaste.

While these techniques restore a better view of political opponents, nobody's tested whether they improve people's view of democracy. So they set out to do that.

To determine partisan animosity, they relied on two simple tests. One is the dictator game, where participants chose how much money to share with a fellow player. The other was a "joy of destruction" game, where participants could pay to reduce the holdings of someone else. Committed partisans would be expected to be more likely to reduce the holdings of any players that supported their political opposition. Participants were also simply asked how they felt about political opponents.

Support for democratic principles was measured through several questions. Examples included support for closing polling stations in areas where political opponents lived, support for gerrymandering in cases where it was technically illegal, and finding justification for the use of violence to advance political goals.

As for interventions to change these dynamics, the researchers tested a number. One focused on reminding people of friendships that cross partisan boundaries. Another corrected some of the exaggerated stereotypes about members of the opposite party. And yet another described friendships between major figures in the two parties, like Joe Biden and John McCain.

Nothing happening

As you'd expect from past work, this sort of partisan polarization correlated with things like support for political violence and promotion of anti-democratic efforts. And there was a small but consistent correlation between cold feelings toward partisan opponents and a willingness to punish them in the financial games.

As expected from prior research, the interventions reduced the negative feelings toward political opponents, which had behavioral consequences. In both games, the interventions reduced the tendency of people to punish their partisan opponents by leaving them with less money. So, by all measures tried here, the interventions reduced some of the negative aspects of partisanship.

But not anti-democratic tendencies. All of the measures described above—a willingness to suppress the vote of their opponents, a support for violence—were unchanged, even as feelings toward political opponents improved. In fact, the only intervention that had a statistically significant effect on an outcome measure made matters worse.

(Reminding people of cross-party friendships among politicians actually increased support for politicians who promote anti-democratic ideas.)

Since the work was done with different participant populations and each took part in different measures of polarization, there's a chance for some positive results to occur at random. So the researchers also did a meta-analysis of their own work, combining the data from multiple individual experiments. This turned up absolutely nothing. There is simply no indication in this work that cutting down on bad feelings toward political opponents changes the desire to suppress those opponents, even if it means sacrificing democratic principles.

Well, that's awkward

This raises a couple of awkward questions. One is about the assumed causation of the US's experience with a decline in support for democracy. Many people have traced that decline to some of the arguments circulating within the far right around the time of the 2016 election, which raised apocalyptic ideas about the loss of the US should the Democrats win. But this work suggests lowering the partisan fever doesn't reverse this, raising questions about whether apocalyptic fears were at fault in the first place.

The other big question is that if this doesn't work, what can reverse the US's reduced trust in democracy? The results suggest that it's possible to feel more positively toward political opponents, but still think various undemocratic means, including violence, may be needed to keep them from exercising political power.

One of the limitations of this work that may get in the way of understanding what's going on is that it treats the loss of trust in democracy as symmetric across the political spectrum. And, in some cases, like the willingness to employ gerrymandering, that's accurate. But in others, like support for baseless conspiracy theories about election fraud and willingness to limit voting rights, there's a definite asymmetry. Ignoring this distinction may cause us to miss some effects that are small only because they're concentrated in a subset of the participants.

Nature Human Behavior, 2022. DOI: 10.1038/s41562-022-01466-9 (About DOIs).

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