Saturday, January 17, 2026
“News that would have been hilarious if it weren’t so scary...” ECSTASY IN SYDNEY; Varoufakis MDMA 36 Years ago
MeRA25 leader and former finance minister Yanis Varoufakis has confirmed
that he has been summoned to police headquarters in Athens for
questioning over remarks about past drug use made during a recent
podcast appearance.
Varoufakis handed police summons over past drug use remarks
[InTime News]
In a post on X, Varoufakis said two police officers visited his home
to serve the summons, ordering him to appear before the narcotics
police. He said he has been called in not as a witness, but as a
suspect, describing the development as “news that would have been
hilarious if it weren’t so scary.”
- Varoufakis said the investigation stems from comments he made on a podcast organized by young people and focused on issues concerning Generation Z.
- During the discussion, he was asked whether he had ever used drugs.
“Determined not to do a Bill Clinton (remember the laughable ‘I
didn’t inhale’?), I said I had,” Varoufakis said in his post.
- He said he acknowledged past use of marijuana and described a single experience with ecstasy in Sydney 36 years ago, adding that while it was initially pleasant and he “danced for 16 hours effortlessly,” it resulted in a week-long migraine and deterred him from using drugs again.
- He said he used the anecdote to underline the risks of drug use, telling listeners that while it may seem appealing, “there is a price to pay,” with addiction representing “the end of liberty.”
Varoufakis argued that the response to his remarks illustrates a broader threat to civil liberties, saying the episode shows that “they are out to take away the last remnants of autonomy and freedom we have left.”
Last week, an Athens prosecutor ordered a preliminary investigation into Varoufakis’s statements, asking authorities to examine whether the offense of incitement to or promotion of the use of narcotic substances, or any other offense, may have been committed.
Apparently, Greek police think Yanis Varoufakis is a drug kingpin for — wait for it — admitting on a recent podcast that, besides pot, he once tried ecstasy 36 years ago in Sydney, all while warning ...
Uploaded: Jan 16, 2026 · 40 Comments
SPACE NEWS
When allies can’t count on U.S. ISR, commercial space becomes strategic
The global security environment is becoming more volatile, not less. The war in Ukraine grinds on. China is increasingly assertive in the Indo-Pacific. The Middle East remains unstable. North Korea continues to test missiles and challenge regional stability. Together, these dynamics are straining the international system in ways not seen since the early Cold War.
- The U.S. Intelligence Community has been explicit about the stakes. In itsMonitoring and managing these threats depends, more than ever, on space-based intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR).
- For decades, U.S. allies have relied heavily on American space capabilities to provide that ISR backbone. Some allies — notably France and Germany — maintain sophisticated national intelligence assets. But most partners depend to a significant degree on U.S. satellites for early warning, situational awareness and operational intelligence.
The Trump administration’s 2025 National Security Strategy makes clear that Washington expects allies to shoulder a greater share of their own defense burden, including investments in capabilities long provided by the U.S. American resources are finite, and American ISR will increasingly be prioritized against the highest-end threats.
- Among allies — particularly in Europe — this has triggered a quiet but serious concern: what happens if U.S. ISR support is reduced, delayed or reprioritized during a crisis?
- They can accept reduced access to U.S. ISR.
- They can build sovereign space architectures of their own — an expensive, multi-year undertaking.
- Or they can pursue alternative models that deliver intelligence effects faster, at lower cost and with greater resilience.
Thousands of commercial satellites are already on orbit, providing electro-optical, synthetic aperture radar, infrared, RF and other sensing capabilities. These systems generate enormous volumes of data relevant to national security missions — from maritime surveillance to missile activity to battlefield monitoring.
The challenge is no longer access to data. It is integration.Commercial constellations were not designed to function as a unified ISR enterprise. Tasking, timing, sensor fusion and data delivery remain fragmented across providers. For allied defense ministries and operational commanders, stitching together multiple commercial feeds into coherent, actionable intelligence remains a major operational hurdle.
Solving this integration problem is now strategically consequential — and it demands action.
Governments and industry should focus on three priorities.
- First, allied defense establishments need to treat commercial ISR integration as a core capability, not an ad hoc supplement. That means investing in architectures that can task, fuse and deliver data across multiple providers in near-real time.
- Second, the U.S. should actively encourage and enable this shift. Helping allies integrate commercial ISR reduces long-term dependency on U.S. government systems while allowing American “exquisite” capabilities to remain focused on the most demanding missions.
- Third, industry must move beyond single-provider solutions toward interoperable platforms that can operate across constellations, sensors and national boundaries. The future of allied ISR will depend less on any one satellite and more on how effectively diverse systems can be orchestrated.
Some companies are already moving in this direction. For example, Divergent Space Technologies — where I am on the board — has a platform called GEOX that’s designed to act as orchestration layers across commercial constellations, coordinating multi-sensor tasking and fusing outputs into operational intelligence products. Approaches like this are not intended to replace government-owned systems, but to complement them — helping allies and partners extract real value from the rapidly expanding commercial space ecosystem.
The broader point is not about any single company. It is about a shift in how space power is generated and shared.For allies facing a more uncertain security environment and less guaranteed access to U.S. ISR, commercial space is no longer just a supplement. Integrated effectively, it can become a strategic capability — one that strengthens allied resilience, supports coalition operations and ultimately serves U.S. national security interests as well.
Frank A. Rose is President of Chevalier Strategic Advisors, a strategic advisory firm focused on geopolitics and defense technology, and a member of the board of Divergent Space Technologies. He previously served as U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control and as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Space and Defense Policy, where he worked on space security issues.
Shortly after space week in October, investment firm JP Morgan announced a $10 billion investment plan targeting industries critical for United States national security. In addition to things like nanomaterials, autonomous robotics and solar power, the announcement also focused on funding spacecraft and space launches.
JP Morgan’s emphasis on space-related “frontier” technologies is significant, because it signals an acknowledgment that space is becoming an investable sector. What remains unclear is whether capital markets have fully priced in what the shift implies.
There is now significant hype around emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing and nuclear fusion. But despite their promise, many of these will take years to mature. Meanwhile, it’s increasingly obvious that space has already become a mature arena, with a steady drumbeat of space-related innovations and a space-based economy projected to grow from over $600 billion to $1.8 trillion annually within a decade.
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