Intro: In fact, Kissinger was speaking like the adherent, which he has always been, of “international realism”—the school of thought that values stability above all else and, in that spirit, touts the interests of great powers and their spheres of interest over the ambitions (however lofty) of less mighty countries.
A different quotation: "Mr. Kissinger, a high priest of realpolitik, is no stranger to controversy. When he was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1973 for his efforts to negotiate an end to the war in Vietnam, critics complained, pointing to the devastating U.S. bombing campaign in Cambodia during his tenure. Two members of the Nobel committee resigned in protest."
"It’s been a mercifully long time since Henry Kissinger made headlines, much less sparked a serious debate, but his doleful words this week in Davos, Switzerland, did both. 
The gnomish 98-year-old ex-diplomat told the assembled elites at the World Economic Forum that Ukraine must make peace by ceding territory to Russia.
His finger-wagging stirred outrage, not least from Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who likened his fellow victim of European tragedy—both are Jews whose family members perished in the Holocaust—to an appeaser of Nazi aggression in 1938. . .
> One flaw of this thinking is that it ignores the many changes in global politics since a half-century ago, when Kissinger’s “triangulation” allowed him, as Richard Nixon’s statesman, to play Washington’s interests off those of Moscow and Beijing. (Things have changed even more so since the Congress of Vienna 200 years ago, when the five great powers of Europe divvied up the continent, as Kissinger described in his career-launching book A World Restored, back when he was a Harvard political scientist.)
First, the end of the Cold War and the subsequent diffusion of global power have diminished the leverage of former power centers and blocs.
Second, in this more anarchic world, the agency of medium-size countries can no longer be cavalierly dismissed. Finally, in most respects, Russia is no longer a great power, and so peace no longer requires treating it as such. . .
--- Some in Europe are beginning to waver on their commitment to end oil or gas imports from Russia. The leaders of France and Italy, while not as explicit on the matter as Kissinger, are pressing Zelensky to make a deal to end the war before a clear (and perhaps unrealistic) Ukrainian victory. It is also becoming increasingly apparent that, outside Europe, especially in the Southern Hemisphere, there is little enthusiasm for this war—and much distress over its far-reaching consequences.
--- However, Kissinger did hit one live nerve at Davos, and that is a growing impatience—even among Kyiv’s most stalwart backers—for how long this war is dragging on and how deeply it is damaging not just Ukraine but the worldwide economy.
--- Five days before Kissinger’s speech, the New York Times editorial page, which has been avid in its support for Ukraine, cautioned: Americans have been galvanized by Ukraine’s suffering, but popular support for a war far from U.S. shores will not continue indefinitely. Inflation is a much bigger issue for American voters than Ukraine, and the disruptions to global food and energy markets are likely to intensify. … Biden should also make clear to … Zelensky and his people that there is a limit to how far the United States and NATO will go to confront Russia, and limits to the arms, money and political support they can muster.
--- The Times’ worry was that the war could widen and escalate, whereas Kissinger’s was about preserving a balance of power in Europe that no longer quite exists. Still, the message is the same: a growing itchiness about the war and a growing desire to shut it down, perhaps prematurely. . .
--- Some in Europe are beginning to waver on their commitment to end oil or gas imports from Russia. The leaders of France and Italy, while not as explicit on the matter as Kissinger, are pressing Zelensky to make a deal to end the war before a clear (and perhaps unrealistic) Ukrainian victory. It is also becoming increasingly apparent that, outside Europe, especially in the Southern Hemisphere, there is little enthusiasm for this war—and much distress over its far-reaching consequences.
Zelensky is well aware—and deeply fearful—of this flagging interest, which is why he continues to give rallying remote speeches almost daily, pressing his allies for more heavy long-range weapons more quickly. The campaign is succeeding. Biden has recently agreed to provide the most cherished weapons on Zelensky’s wish list—the Multiple Launch Rocket System and High Mobility Artillery Rocket System, which, depending on their loads, can hit targets between 100 and 300 miles away. In the fight over Donbas, the Ukrainians have been at a disadvantage: Russian artillery have been able to hit them, but the Ukrainians’ rockets have lacked the range to hit back. MLRS and HiMARS will even the contest—if not reverse the odds. With weapons of such range, Ukrainian troops could fire even deeper still, into Russian territory. This is why Biden had hesitated to send these weapons, and why some worry about the decision to send them now: Yes, it gives the Ukrainians a boost, but if they fire rockets into Russian territory (something Zelensky has agreed not to do), Russia might respond by hitting arms depots and supply lines in, say, Polish territory—and then we’re off to a war between Russia and NATO. That could trigger further escalation—or a panic over the prospect of escalation, which could bring the war to a swift, forced ending, most likely to Ukraine’s disadvantage. . .
REGIME CHANGE? The Biden administration, by stepping up its military aid to Ukraine, is playing a role in setting off this panic, because its own goals in this conflict have steadily expanded. This became explicit last month, when Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin said that U.S. aims in the war were not only to protect Ukraine as a democratic sovereign country and to help it stave off Russia’s invasion but also to “weaken” Russia as a military power. Some officials were shocked at Austin’s frankness, but no one has pedaled back his words. Regime change is certainly an implicit goal of the onerous sanctions piled on the Russian economy, on its financial tycoons with close ties to Vladimir Putin, and on Putin himself.
And so, the war has entered a new dimension: time. It is not only a contest between Russian and (Western-backed) Ukrainian military forces. It’s also a contest between how long it takes before the West grows leery of letting the war continue and how long it takes before Putin (or his tyranny) collapses. This is one reason the war will intensify, the longer it slogs on—and why there’s every reason to believe it will slog on for as long as either side can make it so."
Reference: https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2022/05/kissinger-ukraine-war-western-impatience.html
Ukraine war brings an unusual moral edge to Davos
May 25, 2022 at 12:01 a.m. EDT
43 minutes ago · Dr Henry Kissinger full speech at Davos' 22 World economic forum. 1 view May 28, 2022 … ...more ...more. Show less.
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When former US Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, spoke for the first time at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting in 1980 he said that "we are in an age of global-interdependence". This statement was repeated by World Economic Forum Founder and Executive Chairman, Klaus Schwab, in a discussion with the Nobel-prize winning diplomat at Davos 2022.
Pragmatism and long-term peace
Known for his Realpolitik, Henry Kissinger cemented a global reputation as a pragmatist amidst the Cold War, steering US foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s. Pioneering the policy of détente, Kissinger sought to reduce tensions with the then-USSR and orchestrated US diplomatic relations with China.
Asked about his perspective on the major issues facing the world today, Kissinger emphasized how the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine could reshape the world as we know it: "Parties should be brought to peace talks within the next two months. Ukraine should've been a bridge between Europe and Russia, but now, as the relationships are reshaped, we may enter a space where the dividing line is redrawn and Russia is entirely isolated. We are facing a situation now where Russia could alienate itself completely from Europe and seek a permanent alliance elsewhere. This may lead to Cold War-like diplomatic distances, which will set us back decades. We should strive for long-term peace."
Established and emerging powers
In speaking about the rise of China, Kissinger reflected on his experience in negotiating with Beijing: "When we opened diplomatic relationships with China in the 1970s, we did it with a sense that we're starting a permanent relationship. That was a very different country. Today, it is a powerhouse with significant economic and strategic interests. How the US and China conduct their relationship in coming years will depend on the patience and diplomacy of its leaders." Henry Kissinger noted that the potentially adversarial aspect of the US-China relationship should be mitigated and common interests should be pursued and upheld. "The US," he says, "must realize that China's strategic and technical competence has evolved. Diplomatic negotiations must be sensitive, informed and unilaterally strive for peace."
Military technologies
"We are faced with the reality that modern technologies are putting countries in situations that they've never been in before," said Kissinger. Nuclear powers and new military technologies, without established criteria for limitations, could spell catastrophe for humankind."
Full Transcript: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2022/05/kissinger-these-are-the-main-geopolitical-challenges-facing-the-world-right-now/
6 days ago · Veteran U.S. diplomat Henry Kissinger says Washington and Beijing must ... Economic Forum in a rare springtime version of Davos, Kissinger ...
2 days ago · Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky addressing the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, from Kyiv on May 23, 2022.
