UPDATE INSERT:
www.thinkchina.sg
Will the great-grandson of Chiang Kai-shek be the next Taipei mayor and Taiwan leader?
"With Taiwan’s Tsai Ing-wen administration playing the “Chiang Ching-kuo” card, one person from the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) is in an awkward situation: Legislative Yuan member Wayne Chiang Wan-an, grandson of Chiang Ching-kuo and great-grandson of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek.
Taiwan is set to hold its “nine-in-one” local elections at the end of this year, with people voting for nine categories of local officials and councillors. According to reports, Chiang — with his impressive qualifications, experience and looks — has been quietly working hard for some time in preparation for his bid to run for Taipei mayor, which will be announced after the Chinese New Year. One strong factor in his favour is that he is currently leading in public polls. . .
Wayne Chiang was named by Chiang Ching-kuo
According to reports, when announcing his candidacy for Taipei mayor after Chinese New Year, Wayne Chiang will also announce his team, including spokespersons, and will address the issue of the Chiang family name. Going by Wayne Chiang’s Facebook posts, he does not intend to evade the question, and to some extent even feels that having the surname “Chiang” is a bonus.
While debate remains in Taiwan over Chiang Ching-kuo’s historical deeds, polls show that he remains the most popular among Taiwan’s presidents, and Wayne Chiang is probably fully aware that descendents of the Chiang family can claim part of this aura.
. . .
While debate remains in Taiwan over Chiang Ching-kuo’s historical deeds, polls show that he remains the most popular among Taiwan’s presidents, and Wayne Chiang is probably fully aware that descendents of the Chiang family can claim part of this aura.
With the DPP’s strong push for “transitional justice”, it might be even more controversial to discuss Wayne Chiang’s great-grandfather Chiang Kai-shek, the icon of authoritarian power in Taiwan. Wayne Chiang has said he has read Chiang Kai-shek’s diary and has some thoughts about it, as well as on future plans for the National Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall. How he speaks of the Chiang family’s historical deeds and their place in Taiwan’s history will definitely be a focus of public discussion.
✓ At the same time, Wayne Chiang’s family background has been of recent interest to the Taiwan media. Wayne Chiang’s father John Chiang Hsiao-yen is generally thought to be the son of Chiang Ching-kuo and his mistress Chang Ya-juo, born out of wedlock. It was only in 2005 that John Chiang acknowledged his family origins. However, in his diary, Chiang Ching-kuo denied that John Chiang and his twin brother Winston Chang Hsiao-tzu were his biological sons, claiming instead that their biological father was an old friend.
However, according to Taiwanese media personality Huang Ching-lung, while Chiang Ching-kuo had refused to acknowledge the twins, in another diary entry, he had expressed “great joy and happiness” (欣喜至极) when he received news about their birth. Huang concluded that Chiang Ching-kuo could have intentionally told a “white lie”. . .
It is said in Taiwan’s political scene that if Wayne Chiang becomes Taipei mayor and stays there for two terms over eight years, he has a chance of representing the Blue camp in the 2032 presidential elections.
The Taipei mayoral election is seen as a warm-up to the presidential elections. Among previous Taiwan presidents, Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou were both mayors of Taipei before becoming president. It is said in Taiwan’s political scene that if Wayne Chiang becomes Taipei mayor and stays there for two terms over eight years, he has a chance of representing the Blue camp in the 2032 presidential elections.
Of course, it is still too early to say if another "President Chiang"
will emerge in Taiwan; he will first have to make it past the Taipei
mayoral election. The answer will come with the results of the
"nine-in-one" local elections on 26 November." READ MORE
Related: Taiwan’s four-question referendum results show a Kuomintang in serious decline | Kuomintang the biggest loser of Taiwan’s four-question referendum? | Taiwanese wavering over referendum on Fourth Nuclear Power Plant | Chiang Kai-shek and the ‘President’s Fish’ at Sun Moon Lake | [Photo story] The Cairo Conference and Taiwan’s liberation
Posted: Dec 25, 2022
. . .From the late 13th to early 17th centuries, Han Chinese gradually came
into contact with Taiwan and started settling there. Named Formosa by
Portuguese explorers, the south of the island was colonized by the Dutch
in the 17th century whilst the Spanish built a settlement in the north
which lasted until 1642.
In 1895, Qing China was defeated by Japan in the First Sino-Japanese War, forcing the Qing dynasty to cede Taiwan and the Pescadores to the Japanese Empire, which began its 50-year long colonial rule. As World War II ended, the ROC, which ousted the Qing in 1911, regained control of Taiwan in 1945 after the Japanese surrender and placed under military occupation. The Chinese Civil War between the KMT and the CCP, that began in 1927, resumed in 1946. By 1948–1949, most of the mainland fell to the communists, including its national capital of Nanjing, later Guangzhou, followed by Chongqing and then Chengdu.
ROC troops mostly fled to Taiwan from provinces in southern China, in particular Sichuan Province, where the last stand of the ROC's main army took place. The flight to Taiwan took place over four months after Mao Zedong had proclaimed the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing on 1 October 1949.[1] The island of Taiwan remained part of Japan during the occupation until Japan severed its territorial claims in the Treaty of San Francisco, which came into effect in 1952.
After the retreat, the leadership of the ROC, particularly Generalissimo and President Chiang Kai-shek, planned to make the retreat only temporary, hoping to regroup, fortify, and reconquer the mainland.[1] This plan, which never came into fruition, was known as "Project National Glory", and made the national priority of the ROC on Taiwan. Once it became apparent that such a plan could not be realized, the ROC's national focus shifted to the modernization and economic development of Taiwan. The ROC, however, continues to officially claim exclusive sovereignty over the now-CCP governed mainland China.[2][3]
Background Edit
The Chinese Civil War between Chiang Kai-shek’s KMT forces and Mao Zedong's CCP entered its final stage in 1945, following the surrender of Japan. Both sides sought to control and unify China. While Chiang heavily relied on assistance from the United States, Mao relied on support from the Soviet Union as well as the rural population of China.[4]
The bloody conflict between the KMT and the CCP began when both parties were attempting to subdue Chinese warlords in northern China (1926–28) and continued though the Second Sino-Japanese War (1932–45), during which time vast portions of China fell under Japanese occupation. The need to eliminate the warlords was seen as necessary by both Mao Zedong and Chiang Kai-shek, but for different reasons. For Mao, their elimination would end the feudal system in China, encouraging and preparing the country for socialism and communism. For Chiang, the warlords were a great threat to the central government. This basic dissimilarity in motivation continued throughout the years of fighting against the Japanese invasion of China, in spite of a common enemy.
Mao's Communist forces mobilized the peasantry in rural China against the Japanese, and at the time of the Japanese surrender in 1945 the CCP had built an army of nearly a million soldiers.[citation needed] The pressure Mao's forces placed on the Japanese benefitted the Soviet Union, and thus the CCP forces were supplied by the Soviets.[citation needed] The ideological unity of the CCP, and the experience acquired in fighting the Japanese, prepared it for the next battles against the Kuomintang.
✓ Though Chiang's forces were well equipped by the US, they lacked effective leadership and political unity.
In January 1949, Chiang Kai-shek stepped down as leader of the KMT and was replaced by his vice-president, Li Zongren. Li and Mao entered into negotiations for peace, but Nationalist hardliners rejected Mao's demands.[citation needed] When Li sought an additional delay in mid-April 1949, the Chinese Red Army crossed the Yangtze (Chang) River. Chiang fled to the island of Formosa (Taiwan), where approximately 300,000 soldiers had already been airlifted.
Relocation of forces
Over the course of 4 months beginning in August 1949, the ROC leaders relocated the Republic of China Air Force to Taiwan, taking over 80 flights and 3 ships.[1] Chen Chin-Chang writes in his book on the subject that an average of 50 or 60 planes flew daily between Taiwan and China transporting fuel and ammunition between August 1949 and December 1949.[citation needed]
Chiang also sent the 26 naval vessels of the Nationalist army to Taiwan. The final Communist assault against Nationalist forces began on 20 April 1949 and continued until the end of summer. By August, the People's Liberation Army dominated almost all of mainland China; the Nationalists held only Taiwan and the Pescadores Islands, some parts of Kwangtung, Fukien, Chekiang and a few regions in China's far west.[4] . . .
In total, according to current estimates, a migration of between 900,000 and 1,100,000 people must have taken place to Taiwan from the Chinese mainland between 1945 and 1955. The prior population of the island, at the end of Japanese rule, is estimated as 6,500,000 (see also Population of Taiwan). Of these, the Japanese subpopulation of about 500,000 were mostly repatriated by 1946. The number of immigrants is not known for certain, however, since no precise census was made before or during Japanese rule. The census of 1956 counts 640,000 civilian migrants from the mainland. The size of the army was secret at the time. Taiwanese documents found much later count 580,000 soldiers. American contemporary intelligence, however, put the number at only 450,000. Additionally, some army personnel were discharged before 1956 and are therefore (or for other reasons) included in both numbers, while others were drafted locally and were not immigrants. Such considerations led scholars to the above estimate. It is noted that upper estimates of up to two or three million immigrants are commonly found in older publications.[5] Immigration on a similar scale took place in Hong Kong at the time.
Relocating treasures from the mainland Edit
In 1948, Chiang Kai-shek began planning the KMT retreat to Taiwan with a plan to take gold and treasure from the mainland. The amount of gold that was moved differs according to sources, but it is usually estimated as between three million to five million taels (approximately 113.6-115.2 tons; one tael is 31.25 grams). Other than gold, KMT brought artifacts, which are kept mostly in the National Palace Museum in Taipei, Taiwan.[6] Some scholars say the movement of gold and treasure was one of a number of protective measures against the Japanese invasion and occupation, similar to how European governments transferred gold to other locations during World War II.
Chiang Kai-shek's mission to take gold from China was held secretly because, according to Dr Wu Sing-yung (Chinese: 吴兴镛; pinyin: Wu Xing-yong), the entire mission was operated by Chiang himself. Only Chiang and Dr Wu's father, who was the head of Military Finance for the KMT government, knew about the expenditure and moving of gold to Taiwan and almost all orders by Chiang were issued verbally. Dr Wu stated that even the finance minister had no power over the final expenditure and transfer.[7] The written record was kept as the top military secret by Chiang in the Taipei Presidential Palace and the declassified archives only became available to the public more than 40 years after his death in April 1975. It is a widely held belief that the gold brought to Taiwan were used to lay foundations for the Taiwanese economy and government.[7] Some also believe that after six months of the gold operation by Chiang, the New Taiwanese dollar was launched, which replaced the old Taiwanese dollar at a ratio of one to 40,000. It is believed that 800,000 taels of gold were used to stabilize the economy which had been suffering from hyperinflation since 1945. However, these beliefs turned out to be mistaken. According to a memoir written by Zhou Hong-tao, a long-term aide-de-camp of Chiang, the gold was consumed very fast after being brought to Taiwan and in less than two years 80% was already consumed for the funds and provisions for the troops.[8]. . .
Plans to retake mainland China Edit
Originally, the Republic of China planned to reconquer the mainland from the People's Republic. After the retreat to Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek established a dictatorship over the island with other Nationalist leaders, and began making plans to invade the mainland.[12][failed verification] Chiang conceived a top secret plan called Project National Glory or Project Guoguang (Chinese: 國光計劃; pinyin: Gúoguāng Jìhuà; lit. 'National glory plan/project'), to accomplish this. Chiang's planned offensive involved 26 operations including land invasions and special operations behind enemy lines. He had asked his son Chiang Ching-kuo to draft a plan for air raids on the provinces of Fujian and Guangdong,[12] from where many ROC soldiers and much of the population of Taiwan had origins. If it had taken place, it would have been the largest seaborne invasion in history.[13]
. . .Views on the legality of the KMT takeover of Taiwan Edit
There are opposing views on the legality of the KMT takeover of Taiwan. The Chinese Communist government maintains to this day that Taiwan is a province that must eventually return to rule by the mainland.
According to an article published in 1955 on the legal status of Taiwan, "It has been charged that Chiang Kai-shek has no claim to the island because he is 'merely a fugitive quartering his army' there and besides, his is a government in exile."[23]
✓ Moreover, the Treaty of San Francisco, which was officially signed by 48 nations on 8 September 1951, did not specify to whom Japan was ceding Taiwan and the Pescadores. Despite this, the ROC was viewed by the vast majority of states at the time as the legitimate representative of China, as it had succeeded the Qing Dynasty, while the PRC was at the time a mostly unrecognized state. Japan was, at the time of the signing of the Treaty of San Francisco, still technically under American occupation.[24] After full independence, Japan established full relations with the ROC and not the PRC.[25]
According to Professor Gene Hsiao, "since the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the separate KMT treaty with Japan did not specify to whom Japan was ceding Taiwan and the Pescadores, the implication of the U.S. position was that legally, and insofar as the signatories of those two treaties were concerned, Taiwan became an 'ownerless' island and the KMT, by its own assent to the American policy, a foreign government-in-exile."[26]
RELATED CONTENT
Chiang Kai-Shek and the USA: Puppet and Puppeteer, but Which Was Which? by David White
*****
Forty years ago, Chiang Kai-Shek died after a half-century on the international stage. For the last 26 years of his life, Chiang ruled over a domain which had shrunk from the most populous country in the world to the offshore island of Taiwan. Sustained in power by the United States, this apparent client-dependency relationship was not at all straightforward. Almost every strategy and policy considered or enacted by either party was influenced by the perceived effect upon, or reaction of, the communist People’s Republic of China (PRC). Furthermore, in the case of the USA the repercussions upon her relationship with the Soviet Union, and upon Sino-Soviet relations, played a part in decision-making. Although both the United States and Chiang Kai-Shek’s Republic of China (ROC) embodied solidly and stridently anti-communist doctrines throughout the period 1949-1975, they often did so for very different reasons. Among the most fundamental of these was the very question of whether one China or two should exist on the world stage. For the USA this was a political and geostrategic issue, but for Chiang and the Kuomintang it was an existential one, defining their very raison d’être. They had absolutely no desire for genuine de jure independence from mainland China, thus creating the peculiar situation of being a state which was not a nation, yet was not only a member of the United Nations, but also had a permanent seat on the Security Council until 1971.
From 1945 until 1975 (and beyond), American foreign policy was driven in very large measure by an anti-communist ideological imperative. Defined by President Truman’s Containment Doctrine in 1947 and reinforced in 1954 by President Eisenhower’s Domino Theory, it was the guiding star and prism through which all decision-making passed. Communism was accepted as a real and immediate threat to the existence of the USA and the “free world” by every successive president until the collapse of the Soviet Union. No distinction was made between differing interpretations of communist ideology or the particular national situations which shaped communist policies in different countries. Above all, the USA clung to the wrong-headed belief until deep into the Korean War that the PRC was a satellite state of the Soviet Union, by which time this belief had led it to make all sorts of counter-productive decisions in its dealings with Mao Zedong’s China.[1] Whether the threat of Soviet or communist global expansionism was real or not, the fact that it was believed by those who made policy was sufficient to create the self-fulfilling prophecy of a global struggle between two competing ideologies which produced the Cold War. The United States saw this struggle as so fundamental and crucial that it swung dangerously towards an acceptance of the doctrine of the ends justifying the means. It certainly led to repeated cases of “my enemy’s enemy is my friend”, causing the USA to back such unsavoury figures as General Suharto in Indonesia, Ngo Dinh Diem in Vietnam and Manuel Noriega in Panama, and later the Mujahideen in Afghanistan who gave rise to the Taliban. Arguably this was also the case in its support for Chiang Kai-Shek.
The United States had long harboured a desire to break into the Chinese market which it saw as potentially lucrative. Disguised as a doctrine seeking to maintain Chinese sovereignty and prevent its partition, the Open Door Policy was still cherished in the early 1940s by President Roosevelt who hoped to see China enrolled as a client state in a post-war world order. Although Roosevelt did not foresee a role for China as a bastion against a Bolshevik world takeover, even at this stage Chiang was deeply involved in his own battle against Mao’s communist forces, a civil war which had dragged on since 1927. So intent was he upon defeating the “enemy within”, that 500,000 of his best troops who could have been used to fight the Japanese invaders were blockading the communists in Shaanxi province – despite the fact that Mao’s forces were also fighting the Japanese. In spite of being given hundreds of millions of dollars in loans, vast amounts of equipment and American air support, Chiang still refused to commit all but a small proportion of his military forces to the fight against what the Americans viewed as the “real” enemy. On the political front, Roosevelt pledged US support for the return of all lands occupied by Japan – including Formosa/Taiwan which had been a Japanese colony since being taken from China in the war of 1895.[2]
Even at this very early stage of US-Kuomintang relations, we can see that Chiang was willing and able to take what he could from the Americans while offering little in return. When the perceptive General Joe Stilwell, American Commander-in-Chief in the China and India theatre, confronted him with a demand for more action, Chiang succeeded in getting him removed by obliquely threatening to conclude a separate peace with the Japanese.[3]
Stilwell’s replacement in dealings with the Kuomintang leader was much more to Chiang’s liking. Ambassador Patrick Hurley was bluff and brash, but intellectually out of his depth. Despite apparent evidence pointing to the value of Mao’s resistance to the Japanese and despite Hurley’s own staff recognising the need to work with the communists and pointing out the corruption and ineffectiveness of the Kuomintang, the ambassador was taken in by Chiang and supported his case for not forming a united front against the Japanese. Historians disagree over the actual extent and effectiveness of communist resistance to the Japanese and whether Mao was similarly holding back his forces to strike against the Kuomintang when the war ended, but they agree that Chiang manipulated individual Americans and deftly exploited divisions among his US allies.[4]
Following the surrender of Japan, President Truman attempted, through
the offices of General George Marshall, to mediate a ceasefire in the
still-smouldering civil war and if possible negotiate a coalition
government encompassing both Nationalists and Communists. This proved
hopeless in the face of the intransigence of Chiang, and when he sent a
large Kuomintang force into communist-controlled Manchuria, full-scale
civil war erupted. The USA reluctantly threw in on Chiang’s side and
supplied him with $3 billion of aid over the next four years. Despite
this, Chiang proved to be an incompetent commander-in-chief and poor
political leader. Defeat after defeat occurred as a result of inept
strategy, while corruption and a total failure to implement desperately
needed land reform drove not just disgruntled peasants into the
communist camp, but also thousands of defectors from his own army. By
1949 and the victory of Mao, both Truman and his secretary of State,
Dean Acheson, had come to despise Chiang and see him as a near-hopeless
case. As for Chiang, he had come to view the USA as a nation which could
not be trusted ever since Marshall’s attempt to negotiate détente and
cooperation in 1945-46.. ." READ MORE
Introduction
There is a crisis brewing in the Taiwan Strait with China threatening to invade the country. On the face, it looks like China is a belligerent nation but a study will show this problem has been created entirely by the United States by its own ineptitude and lack of political foresight.
Firstly, a bit of history; from 1895 to 1945 the island of Formosa also known as Taiwan was a colony of Japan. The ruling dynasty of China by the Treaty of Shimonoseki ceded the island to Japan. The treaty signed after negotiations between March 20 to April 17, 1895, effectively made Japan the ruler of Formosa.
This state of affairs continued till 1945 when the Americans dropped the atomic bombs on Japan and the island surrendered. Logically if the Americans had looked into the future they would have created an independent Formosa but they handed it to the Chinese. This was the first blunder.
One reason for this was that America was closely allied with the Nationalist Party which was ruling China and in 1945 the Americans's thought they had their ally in power in China. The American stooge General Chiang Kai Shek was defeated in the civil war ( 1945-49) with the Communists and fled with his coterie to Formosa ( Taiwan). This was the time to recognize Formosa as an independent country but Chiang Kai Shek had fond hopes that he would get back to the mainland and hence the Americans continued supporting him though the entire mainland had been occupied by the communist party.
Any realistic assessment of the scenario at that time would have shown that the Nationalist party had no muscle or power and neither had the Americans the wherewithal to go back and occupy China and defeat the Communist Party. This reality was not accepted and a make-believe world was created that there was one China and that was the Nationalist Party ruled Taiwan( Formosa).
This state of affairs continued for 25 years till Richard Nixon made his visit to China and shot himself in the foot.