22 December 2023

INDO-PACIFIC INTEROPABILITY: A Show-of-Force For Some, . ."A shared commitment to Freedom, Openness, and Inclusion" | Military Foundation

They say the show-of-force is to maintain "Peace & Stability"...However, this is NOT the North Atlantic. It is the so-called "annual exercise" to engage in various events comprising of enhanced maritime communication tactics, anti-submarine warfare operations, air warfare operations, and replenishments-at-sea, among others things.
Participating naval forces will operate in a complex maritime environment with integrated surface and air engagements designed to further increase collective war-fighting readiness, maritime superiority, and power projection in the Indo-Pacific.

“As maritime security threats including attempts to change the status quo by force are increasing, cooperation among navies is critical to the stability of the Indo-Pacific region and the peace and security of the world,’’ 

11 Aircraft & 17 Warships From the US, Australia, Canada, Germany, & Japan  Arrive in PHILIPPINE SEA - YouTube
Uploaded: Dec 21, 2023
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... , Eleven Aircraft and 17 Warships from the Royal Australian Navy, Royal Canadian Navy, German Navy, Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF), and US Navy flew and sailed in strong formation. ...
11 Aircraft & 17 Warships From the US, Australia, Canada, Germany, & Japan  Arrive in PHILIPPINE SEA - YouTube


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VIDEOS 

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Foreign Policy Research Institute
Seoul Searching: Lessons from South Korea's Experience ...
While the US and its European allies officially designated Russia as a security threat, South Korean officials have insinuated that the Korea-Russia relations...
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3 days ago


Introduction

Russia and the West have found themselves enmeshed in an expansive economic war as a result of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s decision to launch the full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. While the conflict on the ground in Ukraine is undoubtedly—and tragically—the primary front of Russia’s aggression, and where its aggression reaps its most dramatic horrors, Western powers have joined with a wide swathe of the international community to support Ukraine’s resistance and hold the Kremlin to account.
But as with the kinetic war in Ukraine, the conflict did not begin one evening last February. It was first launched by Russia in response to Ukraine’s pro-Western, anti-corruption Maidan Revolution that raged through the winter of 2013–2014, ultimately resulting in the ouster of Viktor Yanukovych after he sought to capitulate to the Kremlin and refuse protesters’ and the wider Ukrainian public’s demands for continuing the country’s pro-European and pro-Western agenda. Russia was the first power to use sanctions and trade restrictions in the conflict, namely against Ukraine in 2013.[1] Russia also first sought to use Ukraine’s future to bring the international economic order into the scope of its fight even before Yanukovych’s ouster.[2] However, economic and technology restrictions on Russia have been at the core of the wider West’s strategy of support for Ukraine throughout that period. The target of these tools has changed significantly, initially aimed at deterring Russia from further aggression after 2014 to seeking to restrict its state capacity and ability to wage the war since 2022. But their global impact and Putin’s attempts to undermine the international order through his own weaponization of Russia’s economy and its commodities base have left the world in a new era of international economic competition, and other powers, great and small, are being impacted in ways unforeseen. States are, in turn, also learning lessons from this new era of economic warfare for the future, and the risks they might face from such conflict.
This paper examines the impact on one often overlooked but deeply affected country, the Republic of Korea (or South Korea). Seoul has a unique position in the economic war in that it was arguably the largest Western ally that did not join the sanctions regime against Russia after Putin’s annexation of Crimea and fomenting conflict in eastern Ukraine in 2014. In fact, as we will see, a number of crucial economic ties between Russia and South Korea grew significantly thereafter; although this was also the case for a number of countries that induced sanctions—Germany’s gas linkages with Russia in the Nord Stream 2 pipeline are perhaps the best known example. This paper will examine Seoul’s strategic considerations in doing so, and the reasons that the West did not put substantial pressure on South Korea to join the sanctions regime at the time. Seoul did, however, join the sanctions regime fully in 2022. The domestic political considerations in South Korea  played a key role in that shift and will also determine how the policy’s effectiveness is judged and, in turn, how South Korea may be positioned for future similar economic conflict between the West and China.

The Economic War with Russia

In order to frame the discussion of how Seoul fits into economic war, it is first important to define that conflict today and the influence of the conflict of the last decade. This understanding is important not only to discuss the scope of the conflict to date but also to differentiate it from other examples of interstate competition where economics and trade rules are often used by states to compete with one another. . .

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SOUTH CHINA SEA (December 7, 2023) - The Independence-variant littoral combat ship USS Gabrielle Giffords (LCS 10) steams with the Murasame-class general-purpose destroyer JS Ikazuchi (DD 107) in the South China Sea, Dec 7. The bilateral maritime exercise between U.S. and Japan Maritime Self-Defense Forces demonstrated combined capabilities to counter regional threats and maintain peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. Gabrielle Giffords, part of Commander, Destroyer Squadron 7, is a rotational deployment operating in the U.S. 7th Fleet area of operations to enhance interoperability with Allies and partners and serve as a ready-response force in support of a free and open Indo-Pacific region.

Japan, U.S. Navies Conduct Bilateral Maritime Exercise

The U.S. Navy conducted a maritime exercise with the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) in the South China Sea demonstrating the combined capabilities to counter regional_

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